POUR UNE APPROPRIATION PLURIELLE DES BILANS CONTRE UN ENTERREMENT PROGRAMMÉ…
de Catherine Samary
février 2010

La crise et l’éclatement sanglant du système et de la fédération yougoslaves ont conforté (à l’extérieur de la Yougoslavie) l’idée qu’il n’y avait rien à perdre, à garder ou à apprendre de ce passé-là : soit parce que l’autogestion n’y aurait été qu’un chiffon de papier bureaucratique, sans aucune réalité ; soit parce qu’il s’agissait d’un système fondamentalement inefficace quelles qu’aient été ses généreuses intentions. Cette perception contraste avec l’importance de la « yougonostalgie » aujourd’hui souvent constatée parmi les populations de l’ancienne fédération face aux dénigrements arrogants de tout apport de ce passé.

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von Jürgen Wagner

Vom 5. bis zum 7. Februar 2010 versammelte sich die westliche Kriegselite nebst einigen internationalen Gästen einmal mehr bei der alljährlichen Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz, um die künftigen Militarisierungsschritte auf den Weg zu bringen.

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Hartz IV-Eckregelsatz verfassungsgemäß
von Rainer Roth

Entgegen den zahlreichen Falschmeldungen aus Medien („Regelsätze für Hartz IVEmpfänger
verfassungswidrig“ FAZ 11.02.2010), Wohlfahrtsverbänden und
Gewerkschaften („Die Regelsätze …entsprechend nicht der Verfassung“, direkt 2/2009)
hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht die Höhe der Regelsätze nicht für verfassungswidrig
erklärt.
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by Catherine Samary

December 2009

Outline

Twenty years after the Fall of the Berlin Wall, Timothy Garton Ash wrote that « in 1989, Europeans proposed a new model of non-violent, velvet revolution”. Some years before, instead, he used an interesting neologism -“refolution” – to describe the kind of systemic changes that had occurred, combining features of revolutions and of reforms from above.

I want here to support and radicalise the neologism against the « pure » epithet, as more accurate in order to analyse the very ambiguities of the historical transformations that put an end to the “bipolar world”. I will argue, that the deepest democratic movements which occurred in and before 1989 were both against the ruling nomenklatura and not in favour of the main socio-economic transformations introduced since 1989. Going behind etiquettes and ideological discourses is needed to take in full account the role of “bipolar” international “deals” still at work in 1989, but also the role taken by leading figures of the former single party in opaque forms of privatisations : all that means the lack of any real democratic procedure of decision making about the main reforms which have had lot of a counter-revolutionary substance… Popular aspirations expressed massively in revolutionary upsurges against the single party and Soviet domination like in Solidarnosc in 1980-1981. And this movement was closer to the Prague’s autumn of workers councils in 1968 against the Soviet occupation than to 1989 liberal shock therapies : those embryonic revolutions towards a kind of 3rd way were repressed and dismantled by the bipolar world’s dominant forces through different episodes, because they were an alternative to such order or to its kind of “end” -by the victory of one of its pole- occurring in 1989 : a reality hidden by cold war concepts.

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